Adriana-Cecilia Neagu
Babeş-Bolyai University,
Cluj-Napoca
Part of a
comprehensive series of reference works on
presidential rhetoric and the cultures of the contemporary electorate,
the
study under review explores the changing relationship between
candidates,
policy issues and voters in the context of digital technology and the
new
media. Focusing on the impact of wedge issues on swing voters, the
authors
posit the two as pivotal elements in today’s presidential
elections setting.
Central to the position the book stakes is the notion that, as the
segment most
susceptible to respond to campaigns, persuadable voters form the
microtargets
of campaigners, being instrumental in electoral polarisation.
Consequently, the
authors observe the responsiveness of persuadable voters to campaign
information in both the 2000 and 2004 presidential elections,
particularly with
respect to the controversial policy issues at play. In so doing, they
build a
theory of the persuadable voter as the one campaigners target in the
first
instance, and whose voting behaviour is hence more relevant than that
of base
partisans. Looking at candidate strategies in the 2004 campaigns,
Hillygus and
Shields point out that, divisive issues such as abortions, stem cell
research,
gay marriages, and immigration policies revealed themselves as the
strategic
principles informing the campaign appeals.
As the case
studies conducted here aptly demonstrate,
contentious issues, are constitutive of power play and the risk factors
candidates assume, indeed depend on to measure persuadability. Far from
detrimental to campaign strategies, in their function to cross-pressure
those
who disagree with their affiliated party on a particular policy they
feel
strongly about, wedge issues have a proven record of enabling
potential.
Hillygus and Shields thus evidence the role of swing voters as
particularly
crucial in close elections, shedding new light on the dynamics
configured by a
cross-pressured persuadable voter and a reassured core partisan base.
Their
main contention is that whereas base supporters with durable political
inclinations, need no winning over, nor are they at all likely to
change views
in the process, swing voters divided as they are in their
predispositions are
potent in upsetting balances and bringing about radical change. The
authors go
on to examine this at work engaging closely the moral wedge issues that
enabled
George W. Bush during the 2000 campaign to speak to voters from under
different
political and religious banners and gain adherents across party
affiliations.
In hindsight, George W. Bush’s appeals, proved to be directed not
at the core
Republican supporters, but the cross-pressured Democrats.
Of particular
relevance to discussions is the authors’
emphasis on the massive empowerment of campaigners by contemporary
information
technologies which translates into the transfer of information between
candidates
and voters. The analyses offer a clear indication of how these assist
in the
process of identification and measurement of the ‘persuadable
partisan’, of how
the resort to direct mail and television advertising in general shapes
the
process of decision-making, dramatically affecting vote choices.
In its great
topicality as well as its conclusive
proof of the theses advanced The
Persuadable Voter profiles itself as a study of many merits. To
begin with
and at the broadest level of consideration, it shifts attention from a
familiar
and ‘transparent’ to a somewhat subliminal presidential
rhetoric, challenging
the conventional political science precepts that candidates should
avoid
controversial issues, that swing voters represent the undecided segment
of the
electorate characterised by indistinct or absent political preferences.
As well
as challenging several myths about contemporary American politics, the
book
refines conceptions of the swing voter profile, foregrounding her
conflicting
vote decisions as the result of a complexity of preferences. One of the
central
lines of argument is that the cross pressures to which presidential
campaigners
subject the electorate are also those that earn their political
capital. The
study provides a substantive, well-balanced vision of the dynamics of
electoral
contests in American history post 2000, the relevance of which extends
outside
US soil, into the crisis of governance in global democracies. Among the
study’s
wider implications, mention should be made to aspects concerning
electoral
accountability and the repercussions of campaign strategies for
political
representation and inequality. One of the major strengths of the study
is that
it uncovers policy fractures not just between, but within the American
political parties, reflecting on their productive exploitation in
presidential
campaigns. In so doing, it contributes a novel perspective on the
so-called
culture wars and ideological polarization in the mass public,
illuminating the
process of voting behaviour through a pluralistic approach to campaign
effects
and candidate strategy.
A commendable quality
is the rigorous and variegated research methodology that substantiates
the
investigation, one characterised by in-depth qualitative and archival
analysis
of candidate strategy. Adopting a multimethod approach that yields to a
sound
theoretical perspective, Hillygus and Shields offer a timely and
thorough
understanding of voter decision making, candidate strategy, and their
bearing
on mass political behaviour. Of the many areas of enquiry behind the
study, we
note the archival research in American political history, political
psychology,
political communication, data sources, definition and measurement.
Written in
an accessible style, The Persuadable Voter is an engaging
reading,
especially distinguishing itself in clarity and the high currency of
the themes
examined. It is certain to benefit the general public as well as a
specialised
audience, political and social scientists, journalists and politicians
alike. |