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ACTA TERRAE

SEPTEMCASTRENSIS

V, 1  

Special number

(Bibliotheca Septemcastrensis, XVII)

ISSN 1583-1817

 CONTENT

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The Society of the Living – the Community of the Dead

(from Neolithic to the Christian Era)

 Proceedings of the

7 th International Colloquium of Funerary Archaeology

Editorial board:

Editor: Sabin Adrian LUCA (Universitatea „Lucian Blaga” din Sibiu, România); Members: Paul NIEDERMAIER (membru corespondent al Academiei Române), (Universitatea „Lucian Blaga” din Sibiu, România); Dumitru PROTASE (membru de onoare al Academiei Române) (Universitatea „Babeş-Bolyai” Cluj-Napoca); Paolo BIAGI (Ca’Foscary University Venice, Italy); Martin WHITE (Sussex University, Brighton, United Kingdom); Michela SPATARO (University College London, United Kingdom); Zeno-Karl PINTER (Universitatea „Lucian Blaga” din Sibiu, România); Marin CÂRCIUMARU (Universitatea „Valahia” Târgovişte, România); Nicolae URSULESCU (Universitatea „Al. I. Cuza” Iaşi, România); Gheorghe LAZAROVICI (Universitatea „Eftimie Murgu” Reşiţa, România); Thomas NÄGLER (Universitatea „Lucian Blaga” din Sibiu, România); Secretaries:Ioan Marian ŢIPLIC (Universitatea „Lucian Blaga” din Sibiu, România); Silviu Istrate PURECE (Universitatea „Lucian Blaga” din Sibiu, România); Special number Editors: Sabin Adrian LUCA, Valeriu SÎRBU; Web editor: Cosmin Suciu

See 7 th International Colloquium of Funerary Archaeology

with pictures and abstracts

Dacian settlement and children necropolis of Hunedoara. An unique discovery in the Dacian world. Archaeological approach

Valeriu Sîrbu,

Muzeul Brăilei, România,

valeriu_sirbu@yahoo.co.uk

Sabin Adrian Luca,

Universitatea „Lucian Blaga” din Sibiu, România,

sabinadrian.luca@ulbsibiu.ro

Cristian Roman,

Muzeul „Castelul Corvinilor”, Hunedoara, România,

cricr2001@yahoo.com

Silviu Purece,

Universitatea „Lucian Blaga” din Sibiu, România,

arheo_spi@yahoo.com

Dragoş Diaconescu,

Muzeul „Castelul Corvinilor”, Hunedoara, România,

goshu_d@yahoo.com

In the first part, we’ll refer to Hunedoara-Grădina Castelului and Hunedoara-Sânpetru, two very important sites for the knowledge of some aspects concerning the relations between “the world of the living” and “the community of the dead” at the Dacians.

The two zones with vestiges are very close, but on different forms of relief: the settlement, on the Sânpetru hill and the valley of the Cerna river, the ritual inhumations of children (“the sacred necropolis”) and the votive deposits of objects, on the Grădina Castelului Plateau (Fig. 1/1-2) (Luca 1999, p. 48-55, pl. VI-IX;Luca et al. 2003, p.143-144; 2004, p.142-144; Sîrbu et al. 2005 1, p. 179-182; 2005 2, p. 21-22). Thus, we have the opportunity to know the life of certain communities on different levels, from the daily activities to the spiritual life.

I.Hunedoara.

Ia. Grădina Castelului - “the cildren necropolis”

The deposits of children are situated in the highest part of a dolomite plateau, partially damaged by the building of the Corvin Castle (Fig. 1/1-2). The geological analysis (made in 2004 by geologist Eugen Orlandea), pointed out the existence, in the ancient times, of a rocky plateau, with peaks and cavities and the absence of human arrangements for the children deposits means they used the cavities already existent in the dolomite (Fig. 1/3-6). The zone with dead people seems to be on the SW – NE direction, grouped on nuclei, probably individualized not only topographically, but also by the types of inventories (Fig. 4).

Sometimes we couldn’t establish the initial position of the children bodies because of their damaged condition, but also because of their young age. Some children have been put lying on their backs; others crouched on the right or on the left, usually covered with stones (Fig. 2, 3). The deceased are differently orientated, in fact towards all the cardinal points (Fig. 2, 5).

The deposits are never superposed, nor crossed, which might indicate the inhumations made in a brief period of time, when the stones over them were still well marked.

In most of the cases we are dealing with babies, with very fragile bones, consequently the skeletons are severely damaged, partly because their being close to the surface exposed them more to the environmental factors.

Another finding consists of 25 deposits containing at least 39 individuals, 36 inhumed and 3 cremated. In each of 14 deposits there were only one individual, in each of four deposits, two individuals (in M13 a cremated and inhumed bodies was buried), in each of three deposits, three individuals (in M16, two inhumed and one cremated children), and in a single case, four babies (M12) (3 deposits of children are not yet analyzed) (the anthropological analyses made by Alexandra Comşa and Andrei Soficaru will be thoroughly presented in a book about the site).

All the 36 inhumed bodies were of children, 18 of them being less than one year old, 25, less than two years old, 30, less than six years and only one was an Infans II. None of the three cremated bodies was a child, but only young or adults.

In two deposits, (M13 and M16) there are inhumed new - born children and cremated teenagers.

One of the problems we are dealing with remains the condition of the skeletons in the deposits. Taking into account the young age of the children, we could assume that some of their bones disappeared as a result of their fragility. Sometimes, we found skeletons without skulls (M16) or just parts of skulls (M19, M20). In certain cases, the findings consisted of isolated bones from different parts of the body and one could wonder whether they are the outcome of the initial deposits, intentional or not, or provoked by ulterior disturbing. We must point out they couldn’t come from the previous deposits, Basarabi culture (9 th – 8 th centuries B.C.) because all the discoveries of this period are only adults and not children. If there were some exposing/decomposition rituals of the corpses, previous to the inhumation, then it might be possible that some isolated bones had arrived by chance in the ulterior deposits (Sîrbu 1993, p. 31-36).

One couldn’t notice traces of violence on the skeletons, but these little children could have been killed by means leaving no trace on the bones, such as strangling, choking, poisoning etc.

The inventory is rich and varied enough, but differentiated, not only by the individuals, but also by the nuclei of dead. The inventory location is varied as well: a part of the jewels and clothing accessories is placed by the bodies in normal positions, while others, form the same categories of objects, have been found around the skeleton, but under the covering stones. It is possible that afterwards, some objects might have been moved from their original position.

The clothing accessories and the jewelry are represented by high profile fibulae, beads, pendants, earrings, rings, appliqués, links (Fig. 6). The weapons consist of a knife and two arrow heads, near the skeletons, plus an iron spear head and a fragment of a bronze sword scabbard, found in the deposits area. To all these, one can add the iron and bronze tools and instruments. There was no pottery vessel near the children.

According to the fibulae and coin, we may consider the deposits to date from the second half of the 1 st – beginning of the 2 nd century A.D., namely until Dacia was conquered by the Romans (106 A.D.). There are a lot of inhumations whose inventories couldn’t be situated in a short period of time, but grosso modo, only in the 1 st century B.C. – 1 st century A.D.

Moreover, it is possible that many of the children deposits took place in a very short period of time, and the cause could be an exceptional event (the wars between the Dacians and the Romans, the young warrior’s death of the Grave 7?). It is obvious that the deposits belong to the pre-roman Dacia, by the rituals practiced, as well as by the whole of the types of objects unveiled so far in the area.

We came to the conclusion that the inhumations found so far – 24 deposits with minimum 36 individuals, have a number of unique, unusual characteristics among the discoveries of human bones in the Geto-Dacians world (Protase 1971, p.15-82 ; Babeş 1988, p. 3-32; Sîrbu 1993, p. 21-45; 1997, p. 193-221; 2002, p. 374-393): a) all the dead are children (Infans I), b) no norms of deposit and orientation have been discerned, c) skeletons are missing parts (skull, legs) or only parts of skulls, d) they did not dig pits in the rock, they just used the cavities already there and the children have been covered with stones, e) an apparent paradox between the wealth of body inventory (fibulae, jewelry) and the absence of pottery vessels, f) weapons put near certain babies.

There are three cremation tombs; the first one is Grave 7 belonging to a young man, about 21-22 years old, a warrior probably; his inventory is rich and varied and not burnt, so it was not on the pyre with the corpse: a spear head, a curved dagger, two links, a little bead, two decorated objects made of bone, two cups in fragments (Fig. 7); near the tomb, a denary from Trajan emperor (100 A.D.) (Fig. 7/4).

The two other cremation tombs belong to a young of 14 years old at least (M16 A) and to a person whose age is undeterminable, but it is not a child (M13A).

Some deposits of objects and animal offerings existent only in certain zones make this site a very special one.

Thus, on the southern and southwestern sides, we found, at different periods of time, three isolated groups of objects, which couldn’t be attributed to an individual, but which are, obviously, in connection with the people inhumed in the place (Fig. 4). We intend to present the wealthiest. which contains jewelry and clothing accessories (Fig. 8); a rest of fabric on a button may mean it was torn off the clothes.

The fourth group of objects contained also two middle La Tène iron fibulae; consequently, it is not contemporary to the deposits of children.

On the northern and northwestern sides, we identified a number of animal bones groups, sometimes with rare fragments of Dacian vessels or children skulls.

Unfortunately, the northern part of the plateau have been destroyed, so we couldn’t know if this kind of deposits has been made in these areas too.

In some children inhumations, animal bones have been found, usually not cremated. The most frequent are the cattle, the pigs and sheep, but there are also horses and dogs; more than 70% of the bones fragments come from the dry or less fleshy parts (El Susi 2004, p. 331-333).

No habitation or domestic arrangements were found in the skeleton area, so the small number of Dacian pottery fragments and the compact agglomerations of bones found might indicate certain ritual practices performed at the burials. We must also say that, due to the dominant position of the plateau, these materials couldn’t be there by chance, as there is a ravine between the settlement nearby and the area with inhumations of children.

To draw a conclusion, we are dealing here with four types of complexes: a) inhumations of children, with inventory, b) only three cremation tombs of Iuvenus or young warrior, c) deposits of objects, d) deposits of animal offerings, which suggest certain rituals performed and

Ib)The settlement on the Sânpetru Plateau and the Southeastern terraces

Sânpetru Plateau. It’s a high plateau, with steep slopes, dominating the surrounding area (Fig. 1/2); that’s why, at all times, human communities settled in this area. Unfortunately, the site was destroyed, on one hand, by the burials in the modern cemetery, and on the other, by the various utilities.

An impressive vallum can also be seen on half of the plateau limits, a vallum erected, probably, in the early Middle Ages, because in its structure were found Coţofeni materials dating from the Bronze Age, Basarabi, Dacian and from the 9 th –10 th centuries AD ( Sîrbu, Mariş 2006). They used earth from the settlement to build the fortification, and the consequence was the destruction of the archaeological layers and the existent complexes.

The small number of archaeological material found in the complexes or layers, stand for the existence of a Dacian settlement in the 1 st century BC- 1 st century AD. Unfortunately, the damages we’ve already mentioned have seriously altered the site, so the most part of the vestiges are either destroyed or broken up.

Terrace. On the occasion of thesewerage system and buildings constructions in the city, near Castle Garden, on the bottom of the Sânpetru hill, a lot of archaeological material dating from Dacian period has been found, such as a wide range of pottery, mainly jars, cups, jugs and rushlights (Luca 1999, pl. VIII-IX ; Sîrbu, Mariş 2006).

*****

Ic. Few remarks . In the end, we have to make a few remarks.

This “children necropolis” is, so far, a unique monument in the Dacian world. That’s why it is difficult to find the significance of the children burials, deposits of objects and animal offerings, which mean, undoubtedly, complicated rituals.

We couldn’t actually know whether only the local Dacian community of the neighborhood has deposited the children and the objects (less probable), or the deposits are the result of some exceptional events in the communities on a larger area. In both cases, we wouldn’t know how they treated most of the community members after their death (adults and old, men or women), and the situation is the same for all the Geto-Dacian society (Sîrbu 1986, p. 106-108; 1993, p. 39-40; Babeş 1988, 5-22); as, for a large part of the Celts (Waldhauser 1979, p. 124-156; Wilson 1981, p. 127-169).

If the children have been deposited in a short period of time, as seem to indicate the situation in the field and the chronology of the objects, then we are rather dealing with an exceptional situation provoked either by the young warrior’s death (of the tomb nr. 7) – a high rank person (less probable), or a very serious event, the Daco-Roman wars. Taking the last hypothesis as true, then it might be a sacrifice of children in the benefit of a Dacian warrior god who could help them in the battle with the Romans; in this case, the Trajan emperor coin found wouldn’t be accidental. Otherwise, we couldn’t understand why a lot of children have been sacrificed, children who probably didn’t belong to the nearby Dacian community.

We’d like to precise once again that, in the main Dacian habitation area there is no necropolis of the common people dating from the 1 st century AD (Sîrbu 1986, p. 106-108; 1993, p. 39-40; Babeş 1988, p. 5-22), thus it is rather improbable that the children deposits, with so many different characteristics, may be considered an usual necropolis.

We could assume, of course, that we are dealing here with the cemetery of a Dacian community, discovered by chance. However, this is more unlikely, as on one hand, the deposits of adults, men or women, are missing, and on the other, the parts of the skeletons found suggest there is not an ordinary necropolis.

The excavations made on the Grădina Castelului plateau stressed out an interesting aspect, namely its usage as a deposit place during many historical epochs. We identified a number of deposits (objects and humans) dating from the Basarabi culture period (Luca et al. 2004, p. 142-144; Sîrbu et al. 2005 1, p. 179-182). As we know, the human inhumations in Basarabi culture are always of adults (three deposis), either entire skeletons, parts of skeletons or even isolated human bones.

We found deposits of vessels, either entire or broken in situ, other categories of objects, but we want to remark the presence of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic figurines, small clay objects of different shapes, types of objects extremely rare in other sites of the Basarabi culture (Gumă 1993, p. 269-270; Ursuţiu 2002, p. 73; Sîrbu 1999, p. 153).In a pit we found a complete Dacian vase, dating from the 4 th – 3 rd centuries B.C. as well as deposits of objects containing two iron fibulae of middle La Tène (end of the 3 rd – beginning of the 2 nd centuries B.C.).

It is worth reminding that on this plateau there were no habitation complexes in situ (huts, dwellings, workshops, pits, fireplaces) of any period, so all the objects found come from intentional deposits.

On the terrace at the bottom of the Grădina Castelului plateau, situated at the confluence of the Cerna and Zlaşti rivers, we unveiled also some vestiges dating from the Basarabi and Dacian periods (Luca 1999, p. 48-51, 65-79, pl. VI – IX), some of them having an obvious cult function: a pit containing an inhumed horse and the dismembered skeleton of an adult man (Sîrbu 2004, p. 736-737, fig. 9/1), a pit with a skeleton of a man, about 50 years old, with traces of cremation and entire vessels (see the article of Dragoş Diaconescu, in the present volume), plus a Dacian pit in which there was an undamaged storing vessel, with a massive iron loop on the mouth (Sîrbu, Mariş 2006).

II. Final considerations.

In the second part, we will speak about the discoveries made in the settlements, in the isolated pits near the settlements and the agglomerations of pits outside the settlements, the so-called “fields of pits”(Sîrbu 1993, p. 31-36). We’ll take into consideration the actual children burials but also the “non-cremated human bones in non-funerary contexts”, phrase that stands for all skeletons, parts of skeletons and isolated human bones found in non-funerary contexts (Sîrbu 2003, p. 21, 30-33).

This comparative analysis is absolutely necessary for a better understanding of the common elements of the “children necropolis” from Grădina Castelului, as well as those different from the “human bones in non funerary contexts” found in other sites.

Such discoveries appeared in almost the entire inhabitation area of the Geto-Dacians (Fig. 9), more numerous in certain zones, but it is difficult to state whether they reflect a historical reality or just a stage of the research (Sîrbu 1986, p. 91-108; 1993, p. 31-36; 86-100; 1997, p. 196-301; Babeş 1988, p. 13-16). Anyway, we can say that it is a general phenomenon for the Geto-Dacian society, present all along the period under analysis.

Most of the skeletons come from the settlements – 48 individuals, from the “fields of pits” – 21, and 9, from the isolated pits (Sîrbu 1997, p. 197, fig.1, 3, 4). We unveiled 6 children in the dwellings or pit houses, deposited in pits, under the stairs or the floor. Nevertheless, the greatest number of children – 35, has been found in the pits inside the settlements; usually, a single child was buried, but at Brad (Ursachi 1980-1982, p. 112-116, 122-123) (Fig. 10/3-4) and Celei (Sîrbu 1993, p. 88-89), there are more than one buried in the same place.

However, we have to admit that human skeletons have never been found under or near the sanctuaries–edifices in the Dacian society (Sîrbu 1993, p. 31-36), with only one exception, at Cârlomăneşti, where was found a child mandible (Babeş et al. 2005, p. 108). Nevertheless, parts of skeletons, even rare skeletons or isolated bones have been unveiled in certain sacred enclosures of different zones of the Geto-Dacian territory, such as Pietroasa Mică – Gruiu-Dării, Buzău County (Dupoi, Sîrbu 2001, p. 62-63, fig 123, plus the latest findings) and Măgura Moigradului, Sălaj County (Sîrbu 1993, p. 97; Pop, Matei 2001, p. 253-277) and they are linked to ritual acts and not to ordinary graves of the communities.

We found in most of the cases, one skeleton in one pit – 46 individuals, two skeletons in a pit – 7 cases, 3-4 skeletons in a pit, 5 cases. There are some situations when the children are together with youth and adults, so the number of bodies in a pit is bigger, such as Sighişoara-Wietenberg , 7 (Horedt, Seraphim 1971, p. 18-19, 67-69; Sîrbu 1993, p. 98-99, fig. 58-59; Rustoiu 1997, p. 71-76), Orlea, 8 (Comşa 1972, 65-78) (Fig. 11), and Berea, 16 (Zirra 1980, p. 68-69, fig. 56/1-2).

Most of the skeletons were complete – about 40, while some have been put in abnormal positions; there are situations when large parts of the bodies are missing and that couldn’t be explained by post-hoc damage, and there are only isolated cranial or post cranial human bones (Sîrbu 1993, p. 32-33; 1997, p. 197, fig. 1, 3). Nevertheless, it is often not too clear whether the missing parts of the skeletons are due to environmental factors later on or to the initial deposit.

For almost all the cases there were Infans I – 69, in two cases, Infans II; moreover, there were a lot of babies, sometimes twins, such as at Orlea (Nicolăescu-Plopşor, Rişcuţia 1969, p. 69-73) . In settlements, there were usually only children, while in the “fields of pits” there are also teenagers and adults in the same pit. The majority of the skeletons found in non-funerary contexts belong to children.

Objects that could be classified by certain criteria, as it happens for the ordinary tombs, did not accompany these skeletons of children. Only a few of them have had clothing items or accessories (fibulae, pendants, earrings, beads) and, exceptionally, other categories of items and offerings (Sîrbu 1993, p. 32, 86-100).

The children skeletons are dated all along the 4 th century B.C. – 1 st century A.D., but there are important differences, where the number of individuals and the context of their discovery are concerned. Thus, if from the 4 th – 3 rd centuries B.C., there are only 6 findings with 13-14 individuals, from the 2 nd century B.C.-1 st century A.D., there are 18 findings with more than 60 individuals (Sîrbu 1997, p. 196-198, fig.1). Although the early discoveries come from different geographical areas, we must remark they are either from the settlements, or from the pits near the settlements, but never from the “fields of pits”.

Such “fields of pits” date from the 5 th – 3 rd centuries B.C. and are known on the right bank of the Danube, mainly in the southern Balkans, but they date from the 2 nd – 1 st centuries B.C. as well (Bonev, Alexandrov 1996, p. 39-41, fig. 8; Tonkova 1997, p. 592-611; 2003, p. 479-505; Georgieva 2003, p. 313-322).

Taking into consideration all their characteristics, we could say that these deposits of children in non-funerary contexts are not ordinary graves, but the result of preferential inhumations (the reasons are hard to decipher) or probably, human sacrifices.

The issue is gets even more complicated in the 2 nd century B.C.-1 st century A.D., when there are very few ordinary graves, and the number and variety of skeletons in non-funerary contexts are much higher.

While the common funerary vestiges are drastically diminishing, the non-cremated human bones in non-funerary contexts (settlements, isolated pits, “fields of pits”) are significantly increasing (Sîrbu 2002, p. 378-385). There are about 25 discoveries with about 200 individuals, children, youth and adults, men and women (Sîrbu 1997, p.206, fig. 1).

Isolated graves and necropolises are known only at the outskirts of the Dacian territory, in certain areas and following the contacts with other populations (Babeş 1988, p. 16-22; Budinský-Krčika, Lamiova-Schmiedlova 1990, p. 245-354; Sîrbu 1993, p. 24-28, 39; 2002, p. 379-381; Sîrbu, Rustoiu 1999, p. 77-91).

It is difficult for us to consider these discoveries as ordinary tombs, because their characteristics are different: they are not in necropolises, no unitary rules of deposing or orientation, a high percentage of skeleton parts or isolated bones, the complete skeletons are in strange positions, most of them are children, no old people, no traditional inventories (Babeş 1988, p. 13-16; Sîrbu 1993, p. 31-36).

The major difficulties arise when we try to identify the causes of these essential changes in the funerary beliefs and practices, as well as the causes of a special treatment for certain corpses.

In some cases, we have enough proofs to speak about human sacrifices, in others, of ritual inhumations, but some of the human remains seem to be the outcome of certain practices of exposing/decomposition of the corpses – the isolated human bones or the skeleton parts inside the settlements or in the pits at their outskirts (Sîrbu 1997, p. 199-201). The thorough observations on the field and the anthropological analyses could answer all these questions.

The babies and children represent the majority of the inhumations and for them too, the causes may be different.

However, whenever there are a number of children in one pit, sometimes accompanied by adults, with traces of violence on the bones or in strange positions, we can speak about human sacrifices. Taking into account their young age (babies or very little children), the signs of violence may not be visible, because they could be put to death very easily without letting any trace on the skeleton – strangulation, poisoning, drowning.

We have to say another thing: we have no knowledge of cremated children deposed in settlements or in outside pits with domestic filling.

The inhumations of children from the previous (5 th – 3 rd centuries B.C.) or ulterior (2 nd – 3 rd centuries A.D.) periods have other characteristics.

As we have already stated, the inhumation is a rare rite in the 5 th – 3 rd centuries B.C. (less than 5% of all), and most of the inhumed bodies are adults; the small number of children graves can be found in flat necropolises, with a poor inventory (when it exists) (Protase 1971, p. 76-82; Sîrbu 1993, p. 41-42). We must mention there are also cremated children in those necropolises, but, because of little anthropological analyses, we cannot estimate their number, whether they reflect the rate of infant deaths, and the reasons for their being deposited in non-funerary contexts (settlements or pits outside the settlements).

As far as the 2 nd – 3 rd centuries A.D. are concerned, the situation is much clearer, for the Dacia Province and for the free Dacians as well.

First of all, there are neither children inhumations outside the necropolises, nor “macabre pits”.

Secondly, the inhumation is the rite almost exclusively practiced for the children. For instance, out of the 250 inhumation tombs of the free Dacians in the Eastern Carpathians, only 10 belong to adults (Bichir 1973, p. 29-44 ; Ioniţă, Ursachi 1988, p.84-89; Sîrbu 1993, p. 43-44). The percentage is similar to the local population under the Roman domination where 112 of 116 inhumation tombs are for children! (Sîrbu 1993, p. 45).

The inhumations of Grădina Castelului are similar to the ordinary tombs by the careful deposit of the dead and the presence of a relatively rich inventory (particularly fibulae, jewelry, but weapons as well), and to the deposits in non-funerary contexts by the presence of children exclusively, by the absence of deposit and orientation rules, by the absence of certain parts of the bodies etc

Even if a lot of unanswered questions remain concerning the motivations and the significance of the deposits discovered on the Grădina Castelului plateau, first of all because it is the only site of this type excavated so far, we are persuaded that the exhaustive publication of the findings will substantially enrich our knowledge about the spiritual life of the Geto-Dacians.


 

 

 

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ABREVIATIONS

 

Apulum = Apulum, Acta Musei Apulensis, Alba-Iulia

BIA = Bulletin, Institute of Archaeology, London

CCAR = Cronica Cecetărilor Arheologice din România, Bucureşti

Dacia, (N.S). = Dacia, (Nouvelle Série). Revue d'archéologie et d'histoire ancienne, Institutul de Arheologie "V. Pârvan", Bucarest

MemAntiq = Memoria Antiquitatis, Acta Musei Petrodavensis, Piatra Neamţ

Sargetia = Sargetia. Acta Musei Devensis, Muzeul Civilizaţiei Dacice şi Romane, Deva

RevMuz = Revista Muzeelor, Bucureşti

SlovArch = Slovenská Archeológia, Nitra

SCIV(A) = Studii şi Cercetări de Istorie Veche (şi Arheologie), Institutul de Arheologie "V. Pârvan", Bucureşti.

StCom Satu Mare = Studii şi comunicări, Muzeul judeţean Satu Mare, satu Mare

Thracia = Thracia, Institute of Thracology, Sofia.


 

 

 

 

 

 


 

 


 

 

 


 


 

 


 

 

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