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   Institutul Pentru Cercetarea
  Patrimoniului Cultural Transilvănean în Context European ACTA TERRAE SEPTEMCASTRENSIS IIISSN 1583-1817 Editura Economică, Sibiu 2003 Autor: Sabin Adrian Luca pag.(pages): 20-43   NEW DISCOVERIES OF THE
  NEOLITHIC AND AENEOLITHIC FINE ARTS AT TĂRTĂRIA AND LUMEA
  NOUĂ, ALBA COUNTY, AND MATTERS CONCERNING
  THEIR TYPOLOGY AND CHRONOLOGY[1]     REZUMAT
  Autorul
  descrie un lot de 13 piese aparţinând categoriei numită, de obicei,
  plastică descoperite în cuprinsul aşezărilor neolitice de la
  Tărtăria-Gura Luncii şi Alba Iulia-Lumea Nouă. După
  descrierea pieselor se propune o discuţie despre cronologia internă
  a acestora.
  În final, se încearcă descifrarea
  semnificaţiei ritualului de distrugere a pieselor de plastică
  neolitică şi eneolitică. Varianta în limba română a prezentului
  articol va apare în revista APVLVM, numărul 39/2002.   The prehistoric Settlements from Tărtăria-Gura Luncii and Alba Iulia-Lumea Nouă with Neolithic and
  Eneolithic levels, represent through the variety and quality of the Archaeological
  materials discovered there, a difficult attempt for any researcher
  preoccupied with the study of these periods in the History of Transylvania. Being situated in agricultural areas that are intensely cultivated
  nowadays, the materials of these two sites here, are and will still be
  rummaged and taken out incidentally. For this reason, these two sites are the
  base of several valuable private collections and have systematically been
  studied during several stages. The results of the systematic investigations
  as well as those obtained from field trips made these Settlements famous.                                                                    ¤ The Archaeological site from Tărtăria-Gura Luncii was known after a series of accidentally discoveries
  made by M. Roska.[2] The prehistoric settlement from Gura
  Luncii was the first time systematically investigated by Kurth Horedt
  during 1942-1943.[3] Following
  excavations were made by Nicolae Vlassa in 1961.[4] The last systematic investigations were made here in 1989 and were
  made by Iuliu Paul.[5]                                                                    ¤ The Description of the
  Neolithic and Eneolithic Plastic Arts from Tărtăria-Gura Luncii (Gheorghe Alungulesei’s
  collection). 1.Fragment
  of statue (Pl.I/3;  Photo
  1/1). Representing the head and the body from the
  neck down. Judging by its main features, this fragment of statue is one of
  the most recent of those belonging to the new series of incidentally
  discoveries made at Tărtăria. The mask of the statue is a developed
  type and slightly pentagonal. The eyes are made of two incisions, the right
  one being more oblique than the left one. The nose is round, one of the
  nostrils being rendered by an impression in the form of a tear. A very
  important feature for the Chronology of the statue is the fact that the top
  of the head is drawn towards the back like at many other representations from
  Banat and Transylvania belonging to this chronological and cultural level. The
  statue is made of brown paste, sandy and for common use. The burning is good.
  The part that remained represents the Upper side of a “column idol” which
  evolved from those very characteristics of the Starčevo-Criş
  Culture and mainly found at the end of the Early phase of the Vinča
  Culture. 2.
  Fragment of statue (Pl.1/4;  Photo
  1/5). Representing the head of the statue.
  The work represents a triangular mask with a grate nose. A slight incision,
  interrupted by the nose, separates the face into two parts. The top of the
  statue is blunted and the look is pointed upwards. The slip, in days of yore,
  is totally gone. The statue is brick-coloured, sandy structure and light burning,
  the paste being baked. The
  statue may culturally and chronologically belong to an Early phase of the
  Vinča Culture, the Transylvanian alternative. 3.
  Head of statue (Pl. I/6;  Photo
  4/3). As
  it appears, the head of the statue does not have a mask. The way in which the
  face is made points out the fact that the statue was accomplished under the
  influence of an extra-Carpathian culture (Gumelniţa, Sălcuţa,
  Precucuteni) that belongs to the Upper Eneolithic. Description: prominent
  eyebrows, the eyes rendered by incisions, in a slight oblique position as
  compared to the nose; the nose is represented in a realist manner, even the
  nostrils are rendered by two intrusions, round mouth. The
  fragment is brown and there are liftings of burning on. The statue is
  cleansed with sand, chaff and has a very good burning. It is also polished
  and has slip (on the outside). This
  representation may be chronologically and culturally attributed to one of the
  phases of the Petreşti Culture or maybe to the Lumea Noua Culture. 4.
  Fragment of altar (Pl.II/3;  Photo
  1/2-3; 4/4). The
  Piece of altar that was kept has two legs as pedestal and a fragment from a
  small container. It is also kept an anthropomorphic protoma with a round-pentagonal
  mask and the eyes situated almost perpendicularly on the nose are rendered by
  incisions. The eyebrows are well defined. The nose of the protoma is
  prominent and long. The
  fragment is brick-coloured (and black on the inside), it has half-fine sandy
  structure, spatula retouches and good burning (as it seems secondary burning
  because of a fire). The
  altar joins the other works which were found in the Eneolithic strata at
  Tărtăria and taking into account its structure and manner in which
  it was made, it probably belongs to the Petreşti and Lumea Nouă
  Cultures. 5.
  Fragment of statue (Pl. II/4;  Photo
  3/3) representing the head. The
  fragment had a pentagonal mask on its face whose inner part is not kept
  anymore, being broken a long time ago. The eyes are represented by deep
  incisions and the nose follows the model of a small protuberance. From under
  the nose another deep incision goes downwards. It is not known on what
  distance this lays but not on a very long one, anyway, as it certainly
  represents a nostril. The nape of the statue is blunted and so are its
  breasts. This representation is yellow coloured, has fine sandy structure,
  slip, and a very good burning. All
  these features enable us to attribute this fragment of statue to the late
  Eneolithic strata of this site. 6.
  Fragment of statue (Pl. II/6;  Photo
  4/2). Only
  the torso, it is one of the most beautiful works of this lot of objects. The
  head, the arms – from the shoulders down – and the legs – from the thighs
  down – were broken in days of yore. The fragment that has been kept is a
  clear evidence of the special care of the Ancient author, to render correctly
  the anatomical details of the representation (e.g. the number of the
  fingers). It appears that like many other statues of the Tisa I Culture, this
  one too sat on a throne. The
  statue is brown, with grey slip and very good burning (the core of the
  structure is black) and cleansed with fine sand. The
  features of the statue enable us to attribute it to the Petreşti or
  Lumea Nouă strata of this site. 7.
  Head (?) made of a river rock (Photo 1/6). From
  Tărtăria, too, it comes a round river-boulder on which one may
  distinguish the features of a human face. There can be noticed the eyebrows
  and semicircular eyes. The mouth, too, is semicircular and broad. The details
  that make up the face which are in fact more grotesque than realistic and
  though schematic as the Neolithic art usually is, make us think that we are
  witnessing – in the best case – a product of the nature.                                                        ¤ The
  prehistoric settlement from Tărtăria-Gura Luncii is one of the most important Archaeological sites of
  Transylvania.[6] Some of
  the statues that were incidentally discovered there may be attributed, at
  least by their typology, to the already known Stratigraphy of the Ancient
  villages of this area. The
  first systematic excavations done by K. Horedt during 1942-1943 and published[7],
  are according to the picture of the article[8],
  much more complex than those done by N. Vlassa in 1961[9].
  The latter added to the sections and A, C, D, E and B, F surface areas, which
  had been investigated during 1942-1943, the H Section and G surface, both
  having been done in 1961.[10]
  The most complex excavations are those made in the G surface, which in fact
  checked the profiles of the C surface, profiles that were analysed by the
  scientist from Sibiu. K.
  Horedt claims that the level of the Section A is 1,15 m. Even though the
  excavations were deepened to 2,80 m but he couldn't find anything. K.
  Horedt's most interesting observation is that the Turdaş pottery can be
  found at any depth.[11] It
  is a different case in what the B (F) Excavation is concerned. The Stratum
  has been deepened up to 2,60 m, and the deepened dwelling discovered on this
  occasion was excavated up to 3,80 m depth.[12] In
  the C Excavation the painted pottery goes down up to 1,40 m, the Turdaş
  pottery being found again there, at each level.[13] In
  the E surface, at 3,20 m depth, inhabited ground was reached.[14] After
  all these excavations, K. Horedt names the discovered levels
  (Tărtăria I – with mud-huts; Tărtăria II a, b and c –
  with surface dwellings).[15]
  It is also very important the parallel between Tărtăria II b and
  Boian A levels on the account of a pottery importation.[16] As
  I was saying before, N. Vlassa's excavations were only meant to check the
  already known Stratigraphy. I made use of N. Vlassa's conclusions in a quite
  recent publication, in order to parallel the Stratigraphy of
  Tărtăria-Gura Luncii with
  that of Turdaş–Luncă.[17] Stratum no 1
  from Tărtăria is generally analogous to Stratum no 1 from
  Turdaş-Luncă.[18]
  The Stratum is thin and interrupted, here and there, in both sites, and the
  dwellings are mainly mud-huts containing very much material.[19] Concerning
  the cultural classification of the first level of Tărtăria, it was
  meanwhile demonstrated that the classical Tisa I culture is contemporary to
  the Vinča C culture. This brings under a question mark the very Early
  classification established for the Stratum 1 from Tărtăria.
  According to the author's opinion, there are also Starčevo-Criş
  materials. In fact, remains of this culture, pointed out by the presence of
  hashed chaff used as a cleanser, paralleled with Vinča A. The first
  level from Tărtăria was parallel with Vinča B1
  because of the Tisa I materials present there. Meanwhile it has been
  demonstrated that the latter genetic element, the Tisa I, is later discovered
  and parallel to Vinča B2 (the Early Tisa I phase) and
  Vinča C1 (the classical Tisa I phase).[20] According
  to our observations, regarding the Turdaş stations that have been
  investigated during the last 10 years, the presence of chaff as a cleanser is
  loose but consistent. This is because of the late development of the Early
  phase of Vinča culture and of the perpetuation of the Ancient paste
  making technologies, as we have recently noticed on many occasions. Gh.
  Lazarovici, the one who knows best the realities of the earlier phase of
  Vinča culture in Romania, claimed in 1979 that: “At Tărtăria, besides statues were not found any definite
  Vinča elements. But their structures, motifs and forms, the discoveries
  from level no. I date later (s.n.) than those from Balta Sărată I,
  Trnovačka, Banija, Aradac, cultural research stations belonging to the
  Vinča A/B1.”[21]
  The same author went on saying that: In
  Transylvania… most of the elements considered to be Tisa, belong at present
  to the Szakálhát culture, to the Bucovăţ cultural group or to the
  Turdaş culture which developed independently of the Vinča culture.[22] All
  these observations lead to a later classification of the Stratum, probably in
  a period contemporary with level no I from Turdaş-Luncă, in this way being attributed to the earlier phase, or
  slightly before it, of the Turdaş culture. Analysing
  the state of earlier Vinča sites from Transylvania (Vinča A1-3
  and B1)[23]
  it comes out that it is possible for these Archaeological materials to be
  dated later, as a consequence of a division process that had happened on this
  historical area of Romania. Because of the mentioned phenomena and also
  because of the contacts with the Vinča mother-areas broken for about 200
  years, the Late Neolithic in Transylvania has Ancient features on which
  overlaps a kind of painted pottery whose origins are in the NW and W areas of
  Romania.[24] Stratum no 2
  from Tărtăria, named by N. Vlassa also of“
  Turdaş-Petreşti phase”, has exclusively surface dwellings[25],
  unlike the Settlements from Turdaş-Luncă
  (the lower level II consisting of mud-huts, only the Upper level II
  consisting of surface dwellings) and Orăştie-Dealul Pemilor, point X2[26].
  Here the “classical” Turdaş levels have a moment “of coming” (with
  deepened dwellings). The subsequent level is a “sedentary level” (with
  surface dwellings). This
  observation suggests at least two ideas, different in their purpose,
  concerning the Stratigraphy of those two sections: 1
  the presence of those two Ancient levels of mud-huts at Turdaş-Luncă, may represent two
  different moments of arrival and – implicitly – a possible hiatus between them. This observation
  pleads for the antiquity of the former mud-huts of the both site, but not
  earlier than Vinča B. 2)
  That at Tărtăria, the Stratum no 1 is bound through the same
  relation (coming – staying) as in the level II (or intermediary) at
  Turdaş-Luncă and
  Orăştie-Dealul Pemilor,
  point X2 (earlier phase – late phase) and this makes it Vinča
  B2. These
  observations, as well as the one according to which the level II from
  Tărtăria is 1 m depth[27],
  may suggest the idea that there can be found the best Stratigraphy for the
  Turdaş culture of this area. Stratum no 3
  from Tărtăria is named by N. Vlassa also “Petreşti-Turdaş”.[28]
  One may Notice again the resemblance between the Stratigraphy of Turdaş-Luncă and that of
  Tărtăria (level III of the former station belongs to the
  Petreşti A-B culture – probably A –, while Stratum no 3 of
  Tărtăria generally belongs to this phase, too). It
  must also be mentioned the observation according to which:… at Tărtăria, one pure
  Petreşti Stratum is missing, lacking any Turdaş elements, as it can
  be found in the Petreşti Settlements which are dated later and are
  situated in places that outruns the maximum extension area of the Turdaş
  culture. Moreover, I. Paul goes further in the investigation of the
  Petreşti culture monography, claiming that: the Turdaş-Petreşti co-habit seems to have been for a longer
  period of time in this area. Here, too, it finally ends with the gradual
  spreading of the Petreşti culture in the form of several extensive
  Settlements, densely inhabited and belonging to the Middle (A-B) phases,
  especially to the late (B) phase.[29]
  It can be noticed that the matter concerning this co-inhabit is not at all
  cleared up, and that because of at least two reasons: 1.
  The secondary implication of Some Turdaş Archaeological elements in the
  Petreşti Stratum as a result of the building of the Petreşti
  Settlements and Archaeological complex. 2.
  The borrowing by the Petreşti inhabitants of Some incised decorative
  motives, having their own evolution but still close to the basic model, in
  the Petreşti culture. Stratum no 4
  from Tărtăria was named Petreşti-Coţofeni
  by the same late researcher from Cluj. He thought that from a late phase of
  the Petreşti culture and undecorated by painting, it can go to the
  Coţofeni culture.[30]
  Certainly the chronological distance between the Petreşti culture, phase
  B, and the Coţofeni culture is considerable according to our knowledge
  at present, and this makes this theory unreliable. H.
  Dumitrescu notices that the inhabitants of the Coţofeni culture
  preferred, like the Neolithic Turdaş or Petreşti communities[31],
  the same kind of habitat – at least during the earlier phases. This
  observation is important for the definition of the specific economy at the
  end of the Eneolithic.[32]                                  All
  these observations can be supplemented with those ones made in 1989, when the
  habitation levels that have been previously established, were confirmed.                                                                    ¤ All
  these ideas, have been reminded to the reader for a better cultural and
  chronological classification of, at least, several of the statues of the
  collection dealt with. We speak about the statues mentioned at  Pl. I/3-4,
  6; 
  II/3-4, 6. According to their typological and stylistic features, these
  statues could be divided into, at least, two Groups, which would belong to
  two different chronological moments. The
  former group includes the statues from  Pl. I /3-4 and
  II/3-4. This series
  could also be divided into subgroups because of the statue from  Pl. I /
  3, on
  the one side, and of the statues from  Pl. I/4;  II/4 on the other side, and
  finally because of the altar from Pl. II/3. These
  subgroups would also have chronological valences, the subgroup no 1 being the
  earlier, by the presence of the statue from Pl. I /3. On the account on Some
  similar statues, it was established the antiquity of the ritual complex
  discovered by N. Vlassa at Tărtăria.[33]
  This one consists of 16 burned-clay statues, two Cycladic alabaster idols, a Spondylus-shell bracelet and three
  slates (little plates) with incised marks, none of these having been published
  before together with illustrations (the statues). Besides, there were also,
  the scattered bones of a human being about 35-40 years old, several of them
  burned and the others broken. N. Vlassa thought of a possible form of ritual
  cannibalism.[34] Judging
  by the image of the anthropomorphic clay statues from the Vinča area, of
  the approached chronological moment, it comes out that the anthropomorphic
  ones from Gornea[35],
  Balta Sărată[36]
  or Liubcova[37] could be
  the typological model for those of the Tărtăria group. But none of
  the approached statues are so structurally compressed as the Transylvanian
  deposit. In my opinion, the Archaeological context discovered by N. Vlassa is
  truly ritual and has nothing to do with the Stratigraphy that has so far been
  known for this site, especially with Stratum no 1. The holy statues were
  buried in, having no relation with the habitation strata from
  Tărtăria. It rather belongs to an earlier phase, chronologically
  classified in a previous stage. The people that buried the statues were
  either passing by, or they were doing an initiation or devotion ritual. Its
  signification is still unknown to us, the sacred place having been inhabited
  only after the signification of the devotion ritual had been forgotten, or
  even the Neolithic population changed something in its specific manner of
  relating to the divine. This modification appeared together with the
  Turdaş culture as it is nowadays called. Each
  time this complex of worship was investigated, it was very difficult that it
  should also chronologically suit (adapt) to the Stratigraphy in this case, as
  the typology of the statues urged their classification into an earlier phase,
  and the pottery allowed this only in a compulsory way.[38] We
  think that our previous explanation is the solution to our problem regarding
  the chronological classification of the ritual complex from
  Tărtăria, but also regarding Some Ancient levels that have an
  already well-known Stratigraphy in Transylvania. The conservatism of the
  earlier Vinča – communities mentioned above – can be noticed in the
  perpetuation of some archaic Vinča features, in the Turdaş pottery
  and especially in the statues found in these stations. The Turdaş
  culture, at a chronological Vinča B or C phase, still observed the
  common laws that had already been imposed by the Vinča inhabitants
  during the A phase of their culture, while they had for a long time failed to
  observe them in their native places. How else could it be explained the fact
  that the mask of the Transylvanian statues is triangular – or slightly
  pentagonal –, plainly rendered throughout the Late Neolithic, like in the
  Turdaş culture. This is characteristic only to the earlier phases of the
  Vinča culture in Yugoslavia and in the Southern area of Banat?[39]
  How could we explain the fact that all the Vinča and Turdaş statues
  in Transylvania have the eyes incised, according to the plainest Vinča
  pattern, but considerably complicated during the late phases of the culture
  in the mother-areas?[40]
  In order to give extra information, I can only refer to the recent
  discoveries at Romos[41]
  and Turdaş-Luncă[42],
  and also bearing in mind the previous discoveries at Turdaş[43]
  and those at Tărtăria, dealt with by N. Vlassa. It
  is also symbolic the fact that the mask of The Statue from Liubcova is triangular and not pentagonal as
  required by the chronological and cultural phase to which the statue is
  attributed.[44] It is
  also eloquent the case of the tell type settlement, from Chioşoda Veche
  where the statues, which followed an Ancient pattern, with triangular mask,
  are found in the same mud-huts together with those having pentagonal mask.[45]
  It comes out that the typology of the mask form does not always submit to the
  common laws, which have so far been established as basic rules, not even in
  the Vinča culture. The
  latter group includes the statues from Pl.I/6 and II/6. The manner in which
  the face of the statue from Pl. I/6 is schematically created is almost
  similar to that characteristic for the cultures in the South of the
  Carpathyans[46], even if
  the procedure still has certain local Influences. Regarding
  the statue from Pl.II/6, we are certainly dealing with a statue that has its
  origins in the Eneolithic Petreşti levels in this site. The bust has
  analogies in the Vinča culture[47],
  being possible for this statue to be related to those presented on a throne,
  in the Tisa I culture, too.[48] Both
  types prove the spreading westwards and southwards of the Eneolithic
  Transylvanian World, and the cultural and trade connections of the epoch –
  why not? These
  statues may come from a level, in which there is a synthesis between the
  Turdaş elements, those of Lumea Nouă and the Petreşti culture.                                                                    ¤ The
  station from Alba Iulia-Lumea Nouă
  has been known since 1942, when, after the construction of Some buildings of public
  utility, it was discovered a compact Stratum of burn traces and ceramics
  fragments. It was during the same year that the first scientific
  determinations, historical and Archaeological, concerning the site, were
  done. The proper researches took place in 1944, 1945 and 1947.[49]
  Further systematic excavations regarding this site were done in 1961.[50] II.
  The description of the Neolithic and
  Eneolithic statues from Alba Iulia-Lumea
  Nouă (Gheorghe Alungulesei’s collection). 8.
  Fragment of statue (Pl.I/1; Photo
  3/1-2) representing only the head. The mask
  on the face is pentagonal, bent. The eyes are rendered by short and oblique
  incisions as related to the position of the nose. This one is represented in
  a realistic manner, linked to the eyebrows and has a single nostril rendered
  by a round impression. The top of the head is blunted and cross-vertically
  perforated, here and there. The
  statue is brick-coloured, sandy, smooth and with very good burning. It may
  belong to the earlier level from Lumea Nouă, more specific to the
  Vinča or Turdaş culture. 9.
  Fragment of statue (Pl.I/2;  Photo
  2/1-2) representing the body. The statue is
  modelled according to the requirements of the realistic manner popular in
  Neolithic and Eneolithic. The pedestal of the bust represents the legs. On
  its base there are two short, parallel and overlapped incisions. In its lower
  part the pedestal has a round cell. The breasts, which demonstrate the female
  sex of the representation – as well as the buttocks, firmly rendered – are
  modelled in a realistic manner, even the nipples being present. On the back
  of the statue one can see many incisions. From the buttocks two incisions go
  up towards the shoulders forming a triangle with its point headed downwards,
  and filled with a complicated series of short incisions. The arms of this
  representation are wide open. This
  fragment of statue suggests that sometimes the incisions made on the
  Neolithic and Eneolithic statues may represent not only garments but also
  designs. The
  statue is brick-coloured, sandy, half-fine and with very good burning. It may
  be attributed to the earlier levels of the site from Lumea Nouă, more
  specific to the Vinča and Turdaş culture. 10.
  Fragment of statue (Pl.I/5;  Photo
  4/1) representing the head and a part of
  the body. This
  statue represents one of the most realistically modelled from Lumea
  Nouă. The mask covering its face is triangular. The features of the face
  are more realistically rendered, similar to a portrait. The top of the statue
  is blunted and cross-vertically perforated, here and there. Moreover, on its
  extreme-lateral sides there are two perforated  “tabs”. The statue has also the right breast blunted, as well
  as the right shoulder, on which one can Notice several creases, and, by us,
  represent the manner of rendering the clothes for the Upper part of the body. The
  statue is brick-coloured, cleansed with sand and chaff, very weak burning,
  rather backed. This
  representation may belong to the level named as the settlement from where the
  group of statues comes. 11.
  Fragment of statue (Pl.II/1;  Photo
  1/4) representing a part from a torso. What
  remained of the statue has sexual female features, namely the breasts which
  are rendered by two pointed nipples and the buttocks prominently modelled.
  The buttocks of this representation are separated by a deep incision. On its
  back one can see the extremity of an oblique incision (could it be part of
  the incisions representing the hair?). The
  statue is black, half-fine, sandy, very good burning. Judging
  by its structure and its basic features, the statue may be attributed to the
  levels of the Lumea Nouă culture, or probably of the Turdaş
  culture. 12.
  Fragment of statue (Pl. II/2;  Photo
  2/3) representing part of a torso from
  the neck down up to the first quarter of the thighs. The
  statue is decorated with incisions. On the chest there is an incised triangle
  with its point headed downwards. Inside it, there are incisions parallel to
  one of the sides of the triangle. The back of the statue is decorated with
  three angular parallel incisions, which from the buttocks go up point headed.
  From the shoulders other angular incisions go down conversely arranged. These
  incisions may stand for a garment (probably a shirt). Something new is the
  fact that there is a modelled swelling on the lower part of the torso and
  there are no buttocks rendered. These details classify a male statue, one of
  the few examples of this kind throughout the Neolithic and Eneolithic. The
  arms are lateral facing and perforated. The
  statue is black, half-fine, cleansed with sand, good burning.  This
  representation may be considered to belong to the Lumea Nouă culture or
  probably to the Turdaş culture. 13.
  Fragment of statue (protoma?) (Pl.
  II/5; Photo 2/4). Its
  adjustment to a pot led to the very schematic representation of its essential
  features. The look rendered by the incised eyes is orientated upwards, its
  nose is long and the nostrils are in fact two round impressions. The
  incisions on the chest and on the back of the protoma suggest its “wrapping”
  like that of a mummy. The
  representation is brick-coloured, half-fine, sandy, very good burning. According
  to its structure and its main features the statue may come from the Lumea
  Nouă strata or, probably from those of the Turdaş culture.                                                                    ¤ The
  Stratigraphy of the prehistoric settlement from Alba Iulia-Lumea Nouă has already been dealt
  with in two articles.[51]
  According to the former paper, the settlement has a Stratigraphy whose depth
  varies from 0,70 to 2 m. This Stratum is divided into three sub-levels
  more on the account of the typology of the pottery than on the difference in
  colours, in structure or architectural of the discovered levels.[52]
  We keep in mind that the painted D1 species, belonging to the
  Lumea Nouă culture, is found also
  in the lower levels of the Turdaş culture, while the D2
  species – belonging to the Petreşti culture – is found, mainly, in the Middle and Upper levels.[53]
   These
  observations are complemented with those of the I. Berciu’s article, which for
  a long time have been ignored. On this occasion we find out more complex and
  correct information, about the Stratigraphy of the site.[54] Level
  no I (earlier), belongs to the Turdaş culture, with sporadic
  Starčevo-Criş ceramics fragments. This level has two different
  spheres. The former consists of mud-huts and the letter of surface dwellings.
  The mud-huts may be 1,50 m depth. Level
  no. II is separated from level no. I by a clay floor. Just like the next
  level, this one, too, belongs to the Lumea Nouă culture and has deepened
  dwellings and mud-huts. The surface dwellings have not been discovered yet. Level
  no III consists of Archaeological materials transitional towards the
  Petreşti culture. In what its architecture is concerned, the habitation
  of this level consists of surface dwellings. The pottery consists of linear
  imports as well as of the best Vinča-Turdaş structure (the
  Turdaş culture, in our opinion). Level
  no IV belongs to the Petreşti culture. According to the author’s opinion
  this level ends the evolution of the Lumea Nouă culture. On this
  settlement it has been discovered a vessel deposit belonging to the Basarabi
  culture. In
  the arable soil, too, have been discovered pottery fragments belonging to the
  Coţofeni culture, as well as traces of Roman habitation. Sometimes,
  these traces made up an independent level. These
  observations of vertical Stratigraphy, and complemented with the ones
  obtained from the Comparison of the different areas where excavations had
  been done at Lumea Nouă, determined the author of this work to draw
  conclusions valid at present, too.[55] The
  first observation points[56]
  out the participation of the Tisa culture to the genesis of the Petreşti
  culture, even if the author claims that this influence is not necessary
  fundamental. The
  second observation[57]
  refers to the birth of the Vinča-Turdaş culture (read about the
  earlier A and B phases of the Vinča culture, and about the Turdaş
  culture formed on Vinča elements during the late Vinča B2
  phase). We do not talk about the old
  Vinča-Turdaş culture – earlier Vinča in our places – that is A and B phases – and as it has
  also been said in Some articles and books recently published, I totally agree
  with observation[58]
  – concerning the relative dating of
  this civilisation. But it is about another
  phase of the ex
  Vinča-Turdaş background – Early Vinča – which developed under new circumstances, created by the Middle Neolithic of the central Transylvania. This
  couldn’t be more valid, as it also can be noticed – certainly, on a different
  scale and with other arguments – throughout my latest works.[59] Further
  on, I. Berciu whom we have mentioned so many times, makes observations about
  the way in which the earlier Vinča culture evolved in Transylvania,
  claiming that: The earlier Vinča
  background continued its existence in central Transylvania unlike in its
  other areas of development. And went on evolving and assimilating Some
  Starčevo-Criş elements. The painted pottery before burning was an
  essential one. This phenomenon stands for the originality of the Middle
  Neolithic – the Late Neolithic, in our opinion – in the central Transylvania,
  this way leading to the lasting of the Vinča–Turdaş and
  Starčevo-Criş background and creating the base for the development
  of the painted pottery Petreşti culture.[60]
  Certainly, the birth of the Petreşti culture was influenced by the
  evolution of the Turdaş culture, previous to the Petreşti and
  subsequent to the earlier phases of the Vinča culture. It is still an
  enigma the role of the Lumea Nouă culture, whose painted materials are
  rather a painted species of another culture – the Turdaş culture, in our
  case? Similar to the case of the new discoveries in the SW-of Transylvania,
  “the Tăualaş facies” it is certain to be painted type of the
  Turdaş culture. If it would have been the same case with “the Lumea
  Nouă cultural complex” or with “the Lumea Nouă culture”, the
  understanding of the historical realities of that moment would be easy. All
  the other observations that are to come in this article concern the legs of the
  pots, the Decorations of incised points, the technique of vessel making, of
  painting, of folds and stone tools making. These are very precise and
  accurate for a better understanding of the Transylvanian Neolithic and
  Eneolithic of that moment, but they have not been used properly by the
  subsequent historiography.[61] The
  statues dealt with in this article entirely represent moments of the late
  Chronology of the Middle Eneolithic probably of the Lower Eneolithic of the
  site Alba Iulia-Lumea Nouă.                                                                    ¤ This
  article also allows us to express Some opinions, which do not even need
  justification – in my opinion – by bibliographical references as they belong
  to those who know the features of the Neolithic and Eneolithic in Banat,
  Crişana and Transylvania, and also to all the cultures of the period. The
  basic theory is that, entire statues appear very seldom in the Ancient
  periods. In our opinion, obviously this observation may change into an axiom,
  into a strict rule for the Neolithic and Eneolithic communities. If the entire
  statues are more frequent during the Early Neolithic (especially those of the
  “Venus” type, but keep in mind that these have obvious Fallus type features,
  too), in the Late Neolithic and Eneolithic these are more sporadic. The few
  entire statues discovered after the Early Neolithic, are certainly found in
  this state because of Some private magic-religious practices. Why
  most of the clay statues broke? There
  are many ways of separating the head from the body and also of braking up the
  body after the head had been removed. Let us see the alternatives of this
  ritual. The
  head may be removed from the body in many ways: ·               
  By holding the head in one hand and the body
  in the other and then twisting or pulling out the head; if the head was
  modelled separately and linked to the body by using the Techniques close at
  hand in the epoch, it remained unbroken. ·               
  By striking the head against a hard object,
  in this case the head separated from the body in the same way mentioned
  before, but parts of the head (the nape, the top, parts of the mask) are
  separately broken. ·               
  By striking the head against an elastic prop
  (the floor, the ground etc), a case in which the head is separated together
  with parts of the shoulders, the separation not being very clear and well
  delimited as related to the body. ·               
  By throwing the statue with force and at a
  considerable distance, in this case the separation of the head comes as a
  result of an incidental blow, without a precise direction, so, the separation
  of the anatomical parts of the body, does not observe the possible rules
  already mentioned.  ·               
  Finally, breaking-up the statue may undergo
  Some subsequent interventions; e.g. the discovery of Some “pagan idols” or of
  the statues representing children and their destruction by playing with them. The body, once it had been parted, it may be broken-up once again: ·                       
  The legs are usual separated from the body by
  one of the rules mentioned before. This means breaking the legs/the pedestal
  from under the buttocks and what remains relatively unbroken is just the torso. The
  arms, as part of the torso, are usually broken in several ways: ·                  
  If they are oriented towards lateral and
  schematically rendered, the arms will be broken where they are perforated, or
  where they are linked to the body. ·                  
  If they are not modelled in a realistic
  manner, they will be broken in such a way that the arms and the forearms are
  destroyed ·                  
  The ways of breaking the arms follow the
  model of separating/breaking the head. Obviously,
  Some of the statues, will be broken – or lose part of their body –
  incidentally, throughout billions of years there being cases when the statues
  were destroyed. But
  mostly, this separating and breaking process is done on purpose and develops
  rationally. This process implies rational gestures, difficult to understand
  now. We can relate these attitudes to the practice of some rituals implying
  the worshipping of some deities / gods and especially the piercing and
  burning of some parts of the statue, the removal or deterioration of the eyes
  or of other anatomical parts. For
  the former case, we could approach an old idea of ours, according to which in
  the people’s dwellings in the Neolithic and Eneolithic, as well as at other
  recent civilisations, there were discovered “boxes with magic objects”. These
  may represent phases of the existence of the same deity or deities with
  similar powers, and together they contributed substantially to the material
  and spiritual prosperity of the family they belonged to. In
  the latter case, we are dealing with the “unwritten culture” which is
  difficult to make out in any period or epoch. The gestures and the rituals
  are wrapped in a mysterious veil. Their rhythm is thrilling but difficult to
  feel by a person not very well informed. Its purpose is related to the transcendental.
  Only gifted people are able to understand the magic ritual, people who had
  also been “chosen” by someone above. Hence, the statues can be made
  especially to represent “somebody”, and then broken on purpose, by gestures
  and procedures that are meant to hurt the person for whom the magic is done. The
  statues can be stung, pierced, broken by twisting them, according to the
  rules mentioned above. This may explain the fact that the proportionality of
  the human body is obsessively rendered by the Neolithic and Eneolithic
  “artists”. All
  these observations reveal a World as complicated – and simple in the same
  time – as our contemporary Society is its “folklore” manifestations. People
  would be, and still are self-conscious in front of the irrational that surrounds
  them, sometimes too close. That
  is why the interpretation of these gestures and processes who are located
  somewhere on the edge of the rational or probably in its plenitude, is
  difficult to describe scientifically for the people now-days or for those of
  the prehistoric epoch.   Translated by Diana Tatu     CATALOGUL PLANŞELOR
    1.           
  Alba Iulia-Lumea Nouă.
  Fragment de statuetă. Cap. Cărămizie, nisipoasă,
  fină, cu arderea foarte bună. 2.           
  Alba Iulia-Lumea Nouă.
  Fragment de statuetă. Corp. Cărămizie, nisipoasă,
  semifină, cu arderea bună. 3.           
  Tărtăria-Gura Luncii.
  Fragment de statuetă. Cap şi pornirea corpului. Brună,
  nisipoasă, grosieră, cu arderea bună. 4.           
  Tărtăria-Gura Luncii.
  Fragment de statuetă. Cap. Cărămizie, nisipoasă, cu
  arderea slabă, coaptă. 5.           
  Alba Iulia-Lumea Nouă.
  Fragment de statuetă. Cap şi o parte din corp. Brun-cenuşie,
  degresată cu nisip şi pleavă, cu arderea slabă,
  coaptă. 6.           
  Tărtăria-Gura Luncii.
  Cap de statuetă. Brună cu flecuri de ardere, degresată cu
  nisip şi pleavă, cu arderea foarte bună, lustruită
  şi slipuită.   1.           
  Alba Iulia-Lumea Nouă.
  Fragment de statuetă. Parte din trunchi. Neagră, semifină,
  nisipoasă, cu arderea bună. 2.           
  Alba Iulia-Lumea Nouă.
  Fragment de statuetă. Parte din trunchi. Neagră, semifină,
  nisipoasă, mică, cu arderea bună. 3.           
  Tărtăria-Gura Luncii.
  Fragment de altăraş. Cărămiziu (interiorul vasului
  negru), semifin, nisipos, spatulat, cu arderea bună (secundară). 4.           
  Tărtăria-Gura Luncii.
  Fragment de statuetă. Cap. Gălbuie, fină, nisipoasă,
  slipuită, cu arderea foarte bună. 5.           
  Alba Iulia-Lumea Nouă.
  Fragment de statuetă (protomă ?). Cărămizie,
  semifină, nisipoasă, cu arderea foarte bună. 6.           
  Tărtăria-Gura Luncii.
  Fragment de statuetă. Maronie, slip cenuşiu, cu arderea foarte
  bună (miezul piesei este negru). ABREVIERI BIBLIOGRAFICE
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    | 
 
 
[1] The pieces belong to Gheorghe
Alungulesei (Alba Iulia).
[2] Roska 1942, 21, nr. 77.
[3] Horedt 1949, p. 44-57.
[4] Vlassa 1962, p. 23-30; 1963, p. 485-494; 1976, p. 28-43.
[5] Excavation team: I. Paul, Al. Aldea, H. Ciugudean, Fl. Draşovean and S. A. Luca.
[6] Vlassa 1976, p. 28-31.
[7] Horedt 1949.
[8] Ibidem., fig. 1, 4-8.
[9] Vlassa 1976, fig. 1-3.
[10] Ibidem., fig. 1.
[11] Ibidem., p. 49.
[12] Ibidem., p. 50.
[13] Ibidem., p. 51-52.
[14] Ibidem., p. 53.
[15] Ibidem., p. 53-54.
[16] Ibidem. Precucuteni I or II (?).
[17] Luca 2001b, p. 147-151.
[18] Ibidem., p. 147.
[19] Vlassa 1976, p. 29.
[20] Draşovean 1996, p. 87-89.
[21] Lazarovici 1979, p. 123.
[22] Ibidem., p. 159.
[23] Luca-Ciugudean-Roman-Dragotă 2000; 2000a; Luca 2001b, p. 97-124.
[24] Luca-Ilieş-Bulzan 2000; Luca 2001b, p. 124-139; 2001; 2001a.
[25] Vlassa 1976, p. 30.
[26] Luca 1997. The lower level consists of mud-huts and the Upper level consists of
surface dwellings.
[27] Vlassa 1976, p. 29.
[28] Ibidem., p. 30.
[29] Paul 1992, p. 20.
[30] Vlassa 1976, p. 30.
[31] Lazarovici-Dumitrescu 1985-1986, p. 8.
[32] Ciugudean 2000.
[33] Vlassa 1976, p. 31, 34, fig. 6; p. 125.
[34] Ibidem., p. 31.
[35] Bălănescu 1979; Lazarovici 1977.
[36] Bălănescu 1982; Lazarovici 1975.
[37] Luca 1990; 1998; level V–III.
[38] Milojčić 1965; Makkay 1990.
[39] Type a and b from Tasić 1973, p. 23, sl. II.
[40] Ibidem., sl. I – type a.
[41] Luca 1995-1996, T. III.
[42] Luca 1997a; 2001b, p. 81, 88-91, fig. 6; 7/7.
[43] Roska 1928; 1941; 1942.
[44] Luca-Dragomir 1987; 1989; Luca 1989(1990); 1991.
[45] Radu 1979, p. 67, pl. I–III.
[46] Dumitrescu 1974, fig. 243, 251/1, 259- 261.
[47] Tasić 1973, T. XLVII/179; LIII; LXI; LXVIII.
[48] Korek 1987, p. 53-57, fig. 14-16; Raczky 1987, fig. 32-35, 37; Hegedüs–Makkay 1987, fig. 7-10; X X X 1987, copertă; Gumelniţa culture: Dumitrescu 1974, fig. 256-258.
[49] Berciu–Berciu 1949, p. 1-2.
[50] Berciu 1968, p. 54-55.
[51] Berciu-Berciu 1949, p. 1-18; Berciu 1968, p. 53-60.
[52] Berciu-Berciu 1949, p. 4.
[53] Ibidem., p. 9.
[54] Berciu 1968, p. 55-56.
[55] Ibidem., p. 56-58.
[56] Ibidem., p. 56.
[57] Ibidem., p. 56-57.
[58] Luca 1995-1996; 1997, p. 71-76; 1999, p. 7-14; 2000, p. 96-104; 2001b, p. 95-143, 147-152; Luca-Pinter 2001, p. 34-40, 81-90.
[59] Luca-Ciugudean-Roman-Dragotă 2000; 2000a.
[60] Berciu 1968, p. 57.
[61] Ibidem., 57-58.